Last week, we sent letters to 61 Oregon cities and towns as part of a national effort coordinated by the National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty, urging officials to repeal unconstitutional and misguided bans on panhandling in their jurisdictions. 

The letters detailed how the existing ordinances violate free speech protections in the Oregon and U.S. Constitutions, explained the moral and practical problems with criminalizing poverty, and suggested compassionate alternatives to these laws. Local leaders of jurisdictions with anti-panhandling laws from across the state – from cities as large as Medford and Springfield to towns as small as Adams and Chiloquin – are now on notice that they are violating the the rights of homeless Oregonians in their communities. 

We asked these 61 jurisdictions to immediately stop enforcing anti-panhandling ordinances, to quickly take these ordinances off their books, to dismiss all pending prosecutions or citations under the ordinances, and to develop new approaches that will lead to better outcomes for all of their community members regardless of housing status. 

Since the 2015 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Reed v. Town of Gilbert established heightened protections for free speech, every case brought against pnhandling ordinances has resulted in finding the ordinances unconstitutional. That's 25 cases to date. The vast majority of the anti-panhandling laws we've identified in Oregon almost certainly violate the right to free speech prtoected by the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. And in state court, for example, the ACLU of Oregon successfully challenged the City of Medford's ordinance restricting the solicitation of donations. A circuit court judge agreed with us, striking the law down. 

Anti-panhandling laws have real consequences on Oregonians who need help, not handcuffs. 

People who are experiencing poverty are forced to ask for help because they are trying to survive. Those in our communities who wish to offer a helping hand should be able to answer their call with kindness. Imposing legal restrictions on this simple act of humanity harms our communities and the already far-too-fragile safety net for people living in need. 

Anti-panhandling ordinances do not solve Oregon's housing crisis or cure poverty or any of the myriad other challenges that lead people into homelessness. Instead, criminalizing homelessness and poverty exacerbates the underlying causes leading to homelessness and poverty. For example, a criminal record makes it even harder for people to obtain employment, housing, and public benefits, which often propels vulnerable people into a downward cycle of criminality.

Anti-panhandling laws are also expensive to enforce and reduce the already limited resources that actually work to keep our community safe. And, of course, when governments adopt a model of criminalizing a constitutionally-protected activity, they expose their city to lawsuits that taxpayers will be on the hook for when they ultimately lose. 

Cities can instead implement alternatives that aren't intended to punish the needy. Affordable and subsidized housing with wrap-around services is a far more effective legal and fiscal strategy, but it's also a more ethical and moral option. This and other alternatives can be found in "Housing Not Handcuffs: Ending the Criminalization of Homelessness in U.S. Cities" by the National Law Center for Homelessness & Poverty.

Linked below is the letter we sent to the mayor, city council members, and the city attorney of Albany, Oregon. It's similar to the letters we sent to the leaders of other cities and towns. Some of these jurisdictions may claim they aren't actively enforcing their anti-panhandling laws, but that's not enough: Take these laws down before a court does it for you. 

The following Oregon cities and towns received a letter from us after we identified problematic anti-panhandling laws: Adams, Albany, Ashland, Bandon, Banks, Bay City, Brookings, Carlton, Cave Junction, Central Point, Chiloquin, Columbia City, Coos Bay, Corvallis, Cottage Grove, Culver, Dallas, Enterprise, Garibaldi, Gold Beach, Grants Pass, Happy Valley, Harrisburg, Hubbard, Jacksonville, Jefferson, Klamath Falls, Lafayette, Lake Oswego, Lebanon, Lincoln City, Malin, Manzanita, Medford, Mill City, Milton-Freewater, Newberg, North Bend, Nyssa, Pendleton, Philomath, Phoenix, Pilot Rock, Prineville, Rainer, Rogue River, Roseburg, Seaside, Sheridan, Silverton, Springfield, Stayton, Sutherlin, Umatilla (city), Union (city), Waldport, Warrenton, Willamina.

Date

Thursday, September 6, 2018 - 2:15pm

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Author:
Mat dos Santos, Legal Director

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In late May 2018, the Trump Administration imprisoned Karandeep Singh, and hundreds other men like him, because he had fled to the United States to seek asylum. The administration’s goal, as President Donald Trump stated, was to “immediately, with no Judges or Court Cases bring them back from where they came.” 
 
Mass imprisonment and rapid deportation are supposed to be the new norm because, according to the president, immigrants “are animals.” The Trump Administration is actualizing its immoral and unlawful plan to deport immigrant communities of color en masse. Immigrants with legitmate asylum claims are being deported faster and in larger numbers than we’ve seen before. 
 
Like more than 120 other asylum seekers, the administration locked Karandeep in a federal prison in Sheridan, Oregon, denied him access to lawyers – and therefore the law – and then was going to immediately deport him in spite of his legitimate claim to asylum. That was supposed to be it
 
But, exactly 90 days after he was thrown in prison, Karandeep was freed from his cell in Sheridan to fight his asylum claim outside the electrified confinement of immigrant detention
 
How did Karandeep get out of Sheridan? 
 
Oregonians came together to provide necessary support for these asylum seekers in the best ways we each know how. We came together in the courts, on the streets, in the headlines, in our community, fighting for these men on both sides of Sheridan’s walls. 
 
Grassroots organizations working within the Rights Architecture in Oregon deployed their best strategies, with their best hearts, and their clearest thinking to collectively defend Karandeep and all the men immorally imprisoned in Sheridan in order to build sustainable, inclusionary pathways for Oregon and everywhere. 
 
Unidos Bridging Community, the Interfaith Movement for Immigrant Justice (IMIrJ), the Rural Organizing Project (ROP) and others built solidarity outside the detention center with everyone inside the detention center through vigils, marches, and and public manifestations of connection, support, and hope. These actions kept what was happening in Sheridan in the headlines and in public consciousness, letting the men know the community supports them and letting the government know that their actions don’t align with Oregon’s values. 
 
Asian Pacific American Network of Oregon (APANO), Causa, and others activated a massive network of volunteers to engage in the challenging and vital work of defending everyone in detention so that no one was forgotten.
 
The ACLU of Oregon – in collaboration with attorneys from Stoll Berne – as well as the Federal Public Defender of Oregon broke open the Trump Administration’s attempt to isolate Karandeep and others from the law by fighting the government in federal court. The successful lawsuit finally paved the way for the asylum seekers to have access to attorneys from Innovation Law Lab
 
APANO, ROP, Unidos, and the newly-formed ICE out of Sheridan group established a special post-detention respite network to provide a welcoming einvironment and transportation from the doors of the detention center to a safe, sheltered, dignified space, allowing the men to recover from detention and build plans for onward travel to their family and sponsors. This crucial support network engaged several religious organizations, like the Dasmesh Darbar Sikh Temple to St. Michael & All Angels Episcopal Church, and dozens of community members. 
 
And Oregon Ready, a statewide coalition of community organizations, collectivized attention on developing a lasting policy resolution to end asylum-seeker incarceration at federal prisons. 
 
Karandeep’s journey is only partially complete. And many more immigrants of color are still confined within Sheridan and other facilites around the country. Yet when Karandeep walked out of Sheridan on August 21, he won an important victory in the long journey to protect the rule of law. 

Date

Friday, August 31, 2018 - 8:30pm

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Stephen Manning, Executive Director, Innovation Law Lab

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The Oregon District Attorneys’ Association (ODAA) recently had their summer conference, but not everyone was happy with the speakers.

The association flew in the chief prosecuting attorney from St. Louis County, Missouri, Bob McCulloch. McCulloch had just made news because he lost his re-election bid in what was the hottest race in the St. Louis local elections. McCulloch lost badly despite 28 years in office and a fundraising edge. The race was centered around the public’s dissatisfaction with a deep history of racial discrimination in the criminal justice system.

McCulloch was brought to Oregon to not only provide a presentation but to also serve as the keynote speaker during the conference dinner. Apparently, several conference participants refused to attend the dinner based on what was characterized by Multnomah County District Attorney Rod Underhill as “offensive and unprofessional” remarks by McCulloch in an earlier presentation. And Deschutes County District Attorney John Hummel characterized the presentation as racially insensitive, stereotyping Black men as criminals.

For people familiar with McCulloch’s track record, none of this is surprising.

McCulloch entered the national spotlight when he refused to prosecute the police officer who shot and killed Michael Brown, an unarmed, African American 18-year-old. The incident helped spur a national movement to address police misconduct and racism in the justice system. Several months after Brown’s killing, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) released a scathing report from their investigation of Ferguson, Missouri’s criminal justice system. The DOJ found rampant racial discrimination and police abuse unchecked by McCulloch, the county’s chief prosecutor, along with a range of practices that were entirely focused on revenue generation rather than justice.

McCulloch’s lack of interest in holding police accountable and addressing racial discrimination in the system was a core theme in the election campaign he just lost. In St. Louis County, African Americans are only 24% of the county population but 67% of the jail population. You can’t be the top prosecutor in a county for almost 30 years without holding a tremendous amount of responsibility for such terrible disparities. A city councilman from Ferguson, named Wesley Bell, crushed McCulloch on Election Day. Bell ran on a reform agenda that was about racial justice, police accountability, transparency, and focusing on treatment and diversion.

Given McCulloch’s history, what does his keynote invitation say about the Oregon District Attorneys Association? This is just one of the many questions we should be asking.

What did the ODAA hope to learn from disgraced District Attorney McCulloch? Do they see St. Louis County’s deeply discriminatory justice system as a model they want to replicate? How did the people at the conference feel when McCulloch showed a picture of young Black men and allegedly referred to them as “dirty bastards?” Did it make participants feel uncomfortable when McCulloch also allegedly referred to the ACLU and other activists as the “5th dimension of hell”? Why bring a guest speaker who has a long legacy of racially discriminatory policies and practices?

I am encouraged a little that at least two DAs have publicly expressed discomfort and disappointment with McCulloch’s language and ideas. But when only two out of Oregon’s 36 elected district attorneys are willing to publicly disavow McCulloch’s presence and behavior, it’s hard to have much confidence in the ODAA. The situation is only made worse when the association president, Matt Shirtcliff from Baker County, doesn’t understand why anyone was offended by McCulloch’s presence and ideas. Neither ignorance or intentional denial is acceptable for such a law enforcement “leader.”

The leadership of ODAA owe Oregonians an explanation.

The ACLU of Oregon often describes the District Attorneys Association in Oregon as our state’s biggest roadblock to criminal justice reform, particularly when trying to address issues of racial disparity, youth justice, and police accountability. Although we are quick to point out that some district attorneys are supporting important reforms in their individual counties, their association has a long history of lobbying to oppose and water down legislative efforts to modernize our justice system and increase fairness.

The ACLU has taken a lot of heat and pushback from district attorneys in characterizing their collective lobbying efforts as regressive. This is just another defining moment that reinforces our beliefs that the ODAA doesn’t come close to sharing Oregonians’ values or vision for how to improve the state’s justice system.

Here is one thing Oregon DAs could take away from St. Louis. Missouri is known as the “Show Me State.” It is time Oregon’s district attorneys show us their values by speaking out and choosing new leadership. Or will they continue to let the hardliners who are comfortable with bigotry and outdated thinking represent them?

This appears to be a moment when Oregon’s district attorneys need a gut check.

Date

Thursday, August 30, 2018 - 10:15pm

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david rogers, Executive Director

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